2009年5月12日 星期二

A DYNAMIC SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM IN UNISON WITH DEMOGRAPHIC AND LIFESTYLE CHANGES

A DYNAMIC SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM IN UNISON WITH DEMOGRAPHIC AND LIFESTYLE CHANGES

ABSTRACT
This paper describes changes in demographic, family, and lifestyle patterns and anticipated major trends in further changes। Facing these changes, we introduce a dynamic social security system deemed most suitable for accommodating the changes. The details of the operation of the system then are described. All the desirable features of the system also are emphasized. Finally, all the issues encountered by the existing social security systems and questions with respect to the synergies of pensions, long-term care and health care then are answered under the system.

Old age is Indian country. Uncharted and dark. Even when we have parents still living to provide us with maps, show us over the rising hill, the crest of the road, we don’t want to look. Fear, perhaps. Not of death so much as of all the indignities lying in wait for us.

Nina Bawden in Walking Naked

1. INTRODUCTION
The financing of social security programs has been the subject of many studies in social security literature. Much of the debate has focused on the relative advantages and drawbacks of pay-as-you-go and full funding, on the viability of public or occupational pensions as compared to personal saving schemes. In advocating one method of funding over another, many have based their arguments on past experience and projected demographic changes. No system, however, exists in a vacuum, and insufficient attention has been given to the broader international, social, political, cultural, and economic trends that govern the viability and sustainability of a social security system in the future.
Section 2 of this paper reviews the major changes and shifts around the world. Section 3 introduces the dynamic social security system in detail. In section 4, the key characteristics of the dynamic social security system are discussed. Section 5 applies the dynamic social security system to resolve all the issues encountered by the existing social security systems and to answer all the questions with respect to the synergies of pensions, long-term care and health care. Finally, we draw our conclusions in Section 6.


2. MAJOR CHANGES AND SHIFTS AROUND THE WORLD
2.1 Changing Population Structure
Changes in the population structure are determined by changes in fertility, mortality, and international migration, which manifest themselves through increases in longevity. According to the United Nations, the gross reproductive rate (GRR) for the world as a whole was 2.44 between 1950 and 1955, 1.67 for the period 1985-1990, and is projected to decline to 1.15 in 2020-2025. Fertility is projected to fall at a faster rate in the less developed areas, with the GRR declining by more than 60 percent over the period, while the rate in the more developed regions is expected to fall by only 33 percent. Mortality rates also have declined. Life expectancy at birth in the developed countries increased from 66.0 years in 1950 to 73.7 years in 1990, while the corresponding increase was from 40.7 to 60.7 years for the less developed regions.
The impact of reduced fertility and mortality is reflected in the changing share of the aged population. In 1950, 5.1 percent of the world's population was aged 65 and over. This proportion is expected to increase to 9.7 percent in the year 2025. While the more developed regions currently exhibit a more severe case of population aging, the less developed countries are projected to have a higher rate of aging. Between 1950 and 1980, the share of the elderly in the total population in the more developed regions rose by 53 percent and is expected to increase a further 53 percent by the year 2025. However, in the less developed regions, while the share of the elderly grew by only 18 percent between 1950 and 1980, it is projected to rise by a staggering 78 percent between 1980 and 2025. The majority of the world's population will be residing in the less developed countries in the 21st century. The rapid rate of population aging has also raised the elderly dependency ratio, which is the ratio of the number of elderly persons to the number of persons in the working age group. The ratios for all the major regions of the world are projected to increase: Asia will have the largest projected increase---77.1 percent in the 1990-2025 period--- and Africa the smallest at 16.1 percent.
At the same time, the growth of the share of the working population for all major regions is projected to decrease, with the exception of Africa. In addition, the labor force participation rates of men above and below the normal retirement age have fallen sharply over the last decade. Not only will there be a large population of elderly, there also will be a smaller working population to support it.
These demographic changes will constrain the ability of economies to finance social expenditure. The shares of social security and health expenditures for many industrialized countries show sharp upward trends. In 1992/93, the expenditure shares ranged from 11.0 percent for the United States to 27.9 percent for the Netherlands. With annual growth rates averaging only about 3 percent, it is highly unlikely that these economies will be able to sustain social programs financed by the taxes and contributions of the working population.
It is true that female labor force participation rates have risen significantly in recent decades, especially in the OECD countries। However, given the average gender earnings differentials and the concentration of women in part-time employment, women’s earnings are considerably lower than men’s। Therefore, while the number of women entering the labor force would more than counterbalance the number of older men withdrawing, this growth will not be able to provide a one-to-one offset for the decline in male participation in terms of the tax base for social expenditure contributions, implying a shrinking of the tax base।

2.2 Changing Family Pattern
Family patterns have changed considerably worldwide in the recent decades, and further change is very likely। The proportion of divorced and single people in the population has increased, and the median length of marriage before divorce has gone down। The proportion of single-parent families among all families has increased significantly। There will be many more couples with few or no children and a new class of unmarried couples living together. Same-sex marriage is being accepted and permitted under the law in some countries. Two-earner families have become the norm rather than the exception. The proportion of families with either an absent father or absent mother also has increased considerably.


2.3 Changing Retirement Pattern
Retirement patterns also have changed considerably worldwide in the recent decades, and further change can be expected। An increasing proportion of workers has taken early retirement; this is particularly so in the industrialized countries। A significant number of individuals are working part-time or intermittently before completely leaving the workforce. People have shared the same job on some specially arranged basis. Other forms of phased retirement have either emerged or can also be expected.


2.4 The Information Revolution and the Global Electronic Village
The launch of Russia’s "Sputnik" in 1957 marked the beginning of the era of global satellite communications and precipitated the information revolution। As a result, the information float collapsed। As information now can be shared simultaneously among countries , the "national economy" is now and will continue to be subsumed under the "global economy", or, in Kenichi Ohmae’s words, “The Borderless World”.


2.5 Shift from Nation State to Business State
The globalization trend is exemplified by the global corporation. This will no longer be the colonial-style multinational company with a headquarter-subsidiary mentality, but rather a network of down-sized, outsourced, and largely stateless cross-border corporate alliances. In the past decade, the world’s 37,000 transnational companies---up from 7,000 in the late 1960s --- were responsible for more in sales than all trade exports put together: US$5.8 trillion in 1992. In the United States, 80 percent of the dollar goods sold abroad are not exported, but are sold under the governance of the transnationals, either by affiliates, intrafirm trade, or through licensing or franchising agreements. These flows have been consolidated with the investment of capital overseas, which has led to the emergence of international production systems. Since 1983, foreign direct investment has grown five times faster than world trade and ten times faster than world output (The Economist, June 24, 1995). The production lines of Mitsubishi Motors, for instance, stretch from Thailand to Malaysia to Japan. Production sharing will be the prevailing form of international economic integration.
Business leaders are the politicians of the future. Conversely, politicians will run their governments like corporations, promoting the country’s comparative advantage for business. In the future, the international ties between business leaders and politicians will strengthen.
The power of the transnational corporations has grown to such an extent that governments are handing over tasks which once were under their sole purview. For instance, U.S. Congress has asked multinationals to take up some of the burden of foreign aid. Table 1 shows that foreign private investment outflows have registered much sharper increases than government foreign aid. Corporations have begun to develop their own human rights codes and increased pressure on countries which, in the eyes of the United States, have less than satisfactory human rights records. Many governments in the West have sought to impose their standards on the developing countries with whom they have economic and trade links to little or no avail, generating only hostility and resentment in the process.
Transnational corporations have begun to take over this role। They are adopting politically correct profiles and strict codes of business ethics. For example, Levi Strauss, an American clothing company, cancels contracts with suppliers if they employ child labor. Chemical companies are more vigilant in policing their industry and computer companies are advocating higher environmental standards. Many are signatories to international agreements such as the International Chamber of Commerce's Business Charter for Sustainable Development. And rightly or wrongly, the transnational companies impose these standards on their host countries. The transnational corporation has now become and will continue to be the major agent of international integration. The increasing power of the business corporation means that business concerns will override politics. And business issues cut across all national boundaries and will help to build the global business state.


Table 1
FOREIGN INVESTMENT OUTFLOW VS GOVERNMENT FOREIGN AID


2.6 Shift from Fixed to Flexible and Responsive Systems
The strength of the traditional multinational lies in its size and ability to exploit economies of scale. Cost was dominant, and the variable cost of labor was the decisive factor. Now practices such as just-in-time production emphasize responsiveness and flexibility, factors which have downgraded the importance of size.
With increasing automation, the present day global corporation is operating in an increasingly fixed-cost environment. Competitiveness and market share are built up and maintained through innovation, knowledge, and development of brand consciousness in the consumer, all of which involve high fixed costs. In the old variable -cost environment, companies focused on reducing the cost of materials, wages, and labor hours. Now companies focus on maximizing the marginal contribution to fixed costs (i.e., maximizing sales) which explains the importance of a large market base and the motivation for globalization.
In the present quicksilver world of consumer tastes, companies have had to adapt and become increasingly flexible and responsive to change. Big, overstaffed companies involving many bureaucratic layers are now anathema. Long hierarchies impede the flow of information, slow down the decision-making process, and reduce the ability of the company to respond to changes in the marketplace. This responsiveness is especially visible in the retail sector. In the past, stores operated strictly according to office hours and were almost always closed on Sundays. Now shops, including beauty salons and medical clinics, are beginning to stay open into the night and sometimes are open round the clock. Even British stores, conservatism and Sunday trading laws notwithstanding, have responded to consumer demands by staying open into the early evening and open their doors on Sundays.
Companies also have tried to adapt to the needs of employees. For instance, job-sharing has taken root in many organizations to accommodate demands of working parents. Shifts in thinking also have permeated social organizations such as schools, where some have adjusted hours and curricula, allowing students to arrive earlier and stay later, to accommodate their parents’ work schedules.
Wage payments are beginning to move from fixed payscale systems to flexible ones based on productivity which can respond quickly to changing economic circumstances। Benefits systems also are evolving gradually from fixed-benefits systems to ones that recognize and accept individual preferences. One way this is manifested is in the increasing popularity of “cafeteria benefits systems”. While these require a greater initial capital outlay and are more demanding in terms of monitoring, firms are starting to tailor systems to suit individuals to maximize productivity and value for money.

2.7 Shift from Short-Term to Long-Term
This stress on flexibility has been accompanied by an increasingly long-term outlook. The debate over the environment and non-renewable resources has focused attention on the long-run sustainability of short-term actions. Many companies and countries, unfortunately, are run with very short-time horizons --- this month, quarter, half year --- and the problem is exacerbated by the political process of elections every four or five years, where expedience is the guiding principle.
Long-range strategic visions and planning are beginning to replace short-term goals। Managers and executives must abandon their preoccupation with short-term quantitative measures of performance and profit and give attention to the kinds of investments and behavior that will spur innovation and strengthen the firm and nation’s capacity to create wealth.

2.8 Formation of Trade Blocs and Harmonization of Standards
While great strides have been made in the past decade to reduce barriers to trade and capital mobility, prospects for global trade liberalization remain guarded at best. If anything, the advent of the European Common Market in 1992 fuelled fears that some markets, the lifeblood of companies, would become increasingly closed. The formation of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and the growing activity with the forum for Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) are seen to be responses to this ominous development and represent efforts to maintain and promote free trade, at least within these regions. Many observers agree that the 21st century will see the world economy consisting of three main economic blocs: Europe, the Americas, and Asia (however defined), bringing about greater intra-bloc flows of trade, investment, and people.
Harmonization of standards within the bloc usually follows the creation of an economic zone। The European Union is trying to devise a common set of standards for everything from labor laws and minimum wages (envisaged in the Social Charter) to the beef content of sausages. The setting of common standards, processes, and systems across countries reduces uncertainty and minimizes transaction costs, particularly for the global corporation operating in many different countries.

2.9 Increasing Labor Mobility
The degree of labor mobility at present differs widely across regions। In North America, labor mobility, at least between Canada and the United States, is strongly encouraged and widely practiced. To a much lesser degree, Europeans are beginning to realize that people will have to move with and to a job, and not the other way around. In Asia, residents of Hong Kong and Taiwan, with significant foreign investments overseas, have long accepted the need for mobility. This trend is beginning to emerge even in Japan, one of the more closed Asian societies. Singapore, actively pushing the regionalization drive, is encouraging her citizens to work abroad. Increased labor mobility between countries and the advantages of a common set of standards will govern the type of social security system which will be workable and acceptable.

2.10 Development of a New and Global Lifestyle
Just as national economies will gradually merge into a greater world economy, the growth of transnational corporations will mean that people from vastly different cultures and climates will be eating the same foods, wearing the same kinds of clothes, and sharing the same music, movies, magazines and television shows. Satellite technology, international travel, and the spread of information will spawn an international culture.
Alongside this globalization of lifestyle, society will become more conservative and liberal at the same time। On the one hand, higher standards will be set for all aspects of business conduct, from adherence to a code of ethics to regulation. On the other hand, topics and issues which were once taboo---such as sex, drug addiction, euthanasia, cloning, same-sex marriage, and mental illness---will be discussed with greater openness. An alternative lifestyle will evolve. There will be a greater proportion of unmarried people, unmarried couples living together, and couples who may be married but have few or no children.

2.11 Shift from Reliance on Institutional Help to Self Help
In the industrial countries, particularly after the Depression, there was a heavy reliance on large institutions to provide for the basic needs, from food to shelter to jobs। Over the past two decades, however, people have been moving away from this reliance to new habits of self-care. Many are taking responsibility for their own health by taking exercise, reducing consumption of less healthful foods and reducing smoking. The concept of health has been redefined from the mere absence of disease to the existence of a positive state of wellness. On another level, self-help will manifest itself by increasing independence from large companies through self-employment and small business entrepreneurship.

2.12 Shift from Complacency to Accountability
Alongside this greater self-reliance will develop a greater awareness of the need for accountability। The average citizen will demand that both individuals and businesses be accountable for their actions, and this accountability will go beyond criminal and insurance liabilities. Grandparents of children born to unmarried mothers may be held liable for child support. Employers and doctors, stockbrokers and politicians, all who are in any position of duty and obligation, will be expected to take responsibility for not only their own actions but also the actions of others.

2.13 Major Changes and Shifts Around the World: A Summary
1. The population will be aging.
2. The spread of technology and information will engender a world that will be increasingly interdependent. Future technology will be so efficient that, most of the time, it will be taken for granted. The indications are already there --- take for example the increasing use of the “smart card” --- of the move from technological complexity to technological transparency.
3. Politics will take a back seat to economics. The global corporation will become the agent of international economic integration and the catalyst for social and political change in developing countries, taking over some of the roles of governments and international organizations. Decision-making will be increasingly decentralized.
4. The consumer will be sovereign. Firms will seek ways of adapting their operations and management styles to maximize their responsiveness to consumer tastes, which will evolve over time and differ across cultures. People and knowledge, brain-power and innovation will be the driving forces of the 21st century and access to markets will be the critical factor determining business success. Countries have responded by carving out their “markets of influence,” most visibly through the formation of trade blocs.
5. Employees with innovative drive and the ability to harness and exploit information will expect and demand better remuneration, benefits and pension packages. However, with greater international labor mobility, the traditional pay-as-you-go social security systems will be increasingly anachronistic.
6. The availability of information, multinational production, trade and foreign investment will nurture a new global lifestyle. Present cultural and societal barriers to certain types of behavior and lifestyle patterns will break down.
7। Individuals will become accustomed to looking after themselves and taking responsibility for their actions and their lives.

3. THE DYDAMIC SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM (DSSS)
The DSSS, as envisioned here, is a compulsory social security savings scheme। Both employers and employees must contribute jointly a certain percentage of employees' monthly salaries to their individual DSSS accounts. A statutory board called the DSSS Board can be established to administer the scheme. The DSSS accounts earn interests and provide the employees a fund that they can rely on upon retirement, disability, or using long-term care facilities.

3.1 Membership
DSSS members are employees and self-employed persons in a given country। Although most members are either the citizens or the permanent residents of the country, foreign workers are likewise entitled to the membership. Active members are those who are actively at work while retired persons could still hold their membership when their accounts are being utilized.

3.2 Contribution Rate
In this scheme, both employer and employee contribution rates change according to the nation’s economic situation. When the economic situation is not good, the contribution rate from both the employers and employees could be reduced; the degree of the reduction is a function of the economic situation. Similarly, if the economic situation is good, the contribution rate for both employers and employees could be increased. Again, the extent of the increase depends on how good the nation’s economy is.
It is possible to drastically reduce only the employer’s contribution rate in time of an economic recession to reduce the operating cost for employers। Similarly, some supplementary retirement scheme may be implemented to encourage voluntary contributions from employees, only with varying contribution rates among foreigners, citizens and permanent residents. The contribution rate could also vary by age. For example, the total contribution rate from both emoloyers and employees could be, say, 30 percent of salaries for those up to 55 years of age, 20 percent for those above 55 but not exceeding 60, 15 percent for those above 60 but not exceeding 65, and 10 percent for those above 65.

3.3 Individual Members’ Accounts
Each DSSS member’s account is divided further into, say, four accounts, namely Ordinary, Long-Term Care, Medical, and Emergent Accounts. The contributions made by both employers and employees are apportioned to the four accounts---for example, 12 percent to the Ordinary Account, 8 percent to the Long-Term Care Account, 5 percent to the Medical Account and 5 percent to the Emergent Account. The apportionment rates among these accounts could vary with time and the member’s age.
The amount in the Ordinary Account may be used for housing, education, approved insurance and investment schemes and transfers to top-up parents' own accounts। The Long-Term Care Account may be used only to pay for long-term care facilities. On the other hand, Medical Account may be used only to pay hospital bills and certain outpatient medical expenses, such as kidney dialysis, chemotherapy, radiotherapy, assisted conception treatment, hepatitis B vaccinations, and day surgeries. Finally, the Emergent Account is reserved for old age and special contingencies.

3.4 Credited Interest Rate
The interest rate credited to DSSS accounts is based on, say, the average of the 12 month deposit and month-end savings account rates of major banks in a given nation, subject to some minimum rate of , say, 2।5 percent. Since DSSS interest earnings are exempted from income tax, the effective rate of return on members' DSSS accounts is higher than the nominal interest rate, the extent of the excess being dependent on each member's tax bracket.

3.5 Administrative System
The DSSS Board installs a comprehensive system to ensure that employers pay the monthly contributions (from both employers and employees) correctly and promptly। Each month, the DSSS Board sends a computerized DSSS payment form to each employer, who then sends the contributions due for the month, together with the completed form, to the Board. If no contribution is made for an employee, the employer is required to give reasons. Similarly, the employer must register new employees with the Board so that DSSS contributions can be made on their behalf. The Board's computer can easily detect those employers who fail to pay DSSS contributions promptly and correctly and single them out for follow-up action by the Board. Also, each member receives a DSSS Statement of Account that shows the progress of the accounts.

3.6 DSSS Benefits
Although DSSS accounts are owned by each individual members, withdrawal of funds from these accounts may be made only for those approved purposes. These purposes are consistent to the objectives of the DSSS Board, which could include the following:
(1) To help members buy and own houses
(2) To help members protect their homes and families
(3) To pay for education
(4) To pay for long-term care facilities
(5) To pay for hospital, surgical and medical expenses
(6) To save up for retirement
(7) To enhance their savings through approved investments

3.7 Medical Account
This account will be established as a compulsory national savings scheme, which helps individuals set aside part of their income to meet their personal or immediate family's hospital, surgical, and some outpatient treatment fees. Under this scheme, every employee contributes some percentage (depending on age) of his monthly salary to a personal Medical Account. There is a maximum limit for both the monthly contribution and the total amount of contributions to avoid excessive build-up. At some age, such as 60, the account holder is allowed to withdraw his Medical funds, leaving a minimum sum of some specific amount or the actual Medical Account balance, whichever is lower. Upon an account-holder's death, the balance in the account is paid to the heirs.
A Medical Account may be used to pay for hospital, surgical, and certain outpatient fees of the account-holder, his parents or children। Family members also may pool their accounts to pay a bill. An account-holder also may use his account to pay for the expenses of a more distant family member, provided that the patient's immediate family has completely drained its accounts. Medical savings also may be used to pay for certain forms of outpatient treatment: kidney dialysis, chemotherapy, radiotherapy, assisted conception procedures, hepatitis B vaccination, AZT treatment, and day surgery.

3.8 Catastrophic Insurance Scheme (CIS)
Since the Medical Account does not adequately provide for catastrophic or chronic illnesses, CIS, a low-cost catastrophic illness insurance scheme, will be introduced to fill the gap. All Medical account holders below age 70 will be covered automatically by CIS unless they opt out. They may pay their CIS premiums from their Medical Accounts and also may use their accounts to pay the premiums for their dependents who opt to join CIS.
CIS premiums can be kept low and affordable to encourage participation. This can be achieved by pegging the reimbursements at the average charges incurred by patients in an ordinary ward in a public hospital. There will be varying premiums for different age groups and sex.
CIS may be used to pay hospital, surgical expenses, and certain expensive outpatient treatments, such as kidney dialysis, chemotherapy, and radiotherapy। There could be high deductibles, depending on ward accommodation. Deductibles can be pegged at a level at which only some percentage of all hospitalizations in a year are eligible for CIS claims and CIS pays 80 percent of the amount in excess of the deductibles. There also can be maximum limits on the amounts claimable per policy year and in a lifetime. However, there can be no deductibles for some treatments such as kidney dialysis, chemotherapy, and radiotherapy.

3.9 Medifund
Despite Medical Account and CIS, there still will be some people who are unable to pay their portion of their hospital bills। Medifund will be an endowment fund set up by government to meet the need of these people. Only the income from Medifund will be used. Patients in public hospitals who are unable to pay their hospital bills even after utilization of Medical Account and CIS may apply to Hosptial Medifund Committees for assistance. These committees comprise members who are actively involved in community or social work and who are familiar with the needs of the lower-income group. The actual assistance provided will depend on the individual circumstances.

3.10 Education Scheme
This scheme will be introduced to allow DSSS members to use up to some percentage of their DSSS savings that is in excess of the Minimum Sum (see Section 3।11 below) as the study loan to finance the education on themselves or their children. The scheme will cover full-time degree and diploma courses at various institutions of higher education. The study loan granted under the scheme must be paid back with interest to the DSSS by cash. The repayment can be made one year after graduation by a lump sum or by monthly instalments over a maximum period of, say, 10 years.

3.11 Withdrawal
DSSS members may withdraw their money from their DSSS Accounts upon reaching normal retirement age or becoming permanently disabled, provided they set aside a minimum sum and put it in their Retirement Accounts. This Minimum Sum Scheme will be established to ensure that there always would be a minimum sum available upon retirement, regardless of how DSSS savings are used for various approved purposes. Note that the minimum sum will be changing by time and it is conceivable that the minimum sum may be increasing throughout the years in the future.
The DSSS Board also will allow its members to top-up their own or their parents' Retirement Accounts, either by cash or through transfers from their own DSSS savings। This is consistent with other DSSS schemes, such as Medical Account, CIS, and Education Schemes, in which members are allowed to use their DSSS savings to support their families. In this regard, DSSS saving schemes will play an important role in strengthening family relationships.

4. DESIRABLE FEATURES OF THE DYNAMIC SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEM
There are a few distinguished features of the dynamic social security system. These features form part of all the desirable features of a social security system for the 21st century. Listed below are DSSS’ features:

4.1 Fully Equitable
The dynamic social security system is equitable in that the depositors do not subsidize other members of the system। Being equitable, the system provides incentives to its members to save simply because the benefit will be returned to them in full. If the savings constitute a sizeable portion of the salary, people will be motivated to continue working longer and harder in order to increase their income and thus savings for retirement.

4.2 Fully Funded
All benefits for DSSS members are derived from their own and their employers’ contributions and the investment income earned from the fund। This ensures that the liabilities of the DSSS Board are fully funded at any point in time without any subsidy. It creates no burden to the government nor to the society.

4.3 Fully Vested
All benefits under DSSS are vested immediately on the members without any requirement such as minimum age or length of service। This allows members to enjoy the benefits without any conditions.

4.4 Fully Portable
Under the dynamic social security system, a DSSS member can continue to save without any interruption, even if he changes job from time to time। Contributions made in all jobs will be credited into the member's DSSS Accounts within the system.

4.5 Intergenerationally Independent
Because the DSSS is fully equitable, fully funded, fully vested (immediately), and fully portable, it may be the closest thing to being intergenerationally independent।

4.6 Fully Reciprocal Across National Boundaries
Some countries already have a unified social security program administered by one agency that comprises representatives of employers, employees, and governments. Bilateral and multilateral conventions or treaties exist among many countries, especially in Europe, which guarantee equal treatment of aliens and citizens, payment of benefits outside the country, and the pooling of transfer records to meet qualifying periods. A totalization procedure sometimes is used.
The countries agreeing to do this count the earnings record of the individual as part of his earnings record in the given country for purposes of determining benefit eligibility। Pension credits obtained in one country are handled in such a way that a movement to a job in another country is administered like the continuation of work in the given country. Under the DSSS scheme, contributions made in all jobs would be credited into the employee's account by any signatory country to the agreement.

4.7 Encouraging Private Intergenerational Transfers
Many Asian societies rely on a system of informal support, whereby children accept that they have to ensure the welfare of the elderly in their family, notably through sharing of income and provision of basic needs। The DSSS scheme institutionalizes this system of private intergenerational transfers by allowing and encouraging children to top-up their parents' DSSS Accounts. Income redistribution takes place within the family, and this emphasis on care of the elderly will help to reinforce the strength of the family unit.

4.8 Encouraging Late, Phased or Flexible Retirement
Note that early or mandatory retirement at a fixed age is costly---particularly when the labor force is shrinking---and inefficient when individual utility could be raised by continued employment. The DSSS scheme, with salary-based contributions, has a labor-supply inducing effect and reduces the incentive to take early retirement.
A phased, or flexible, retirement scheme is logical and should be encouraged। Individuals differ greatly in their financial conditions, health status, work attitudes, and life philosophy, and they should be able to work for as long as they choose.

4.9 Emphasis on Saving and Personal Responsibility
The dynamic social security system has several positive features:
(1) It emphasizes personal responsibility for one's own welfare rather than dependence on others. This is consistent with the general trend in which people are moving away from reliance on public institutions to greater reliance on themselves. Saving for one's own future consumption is but an extension of this trend.
(2) It encourages long-term planning rather than short-term expedience.
(3) It facilitates understanding of the cost of living and financing for retirement.
(4) It creates incentives to take up or remain in employment or to generate earnings through business.
(5) It provides resources for economic development।

4.10 Emphasis on Employer Responsibility
The orderly functioning of DSSS disciplines employers and places emphasis on employer responsibility। It also provides a desirable means of retiring older employees and attracting new talents.

4.11 Provision for Disability and Medical Expenses
One of the biggest public expenditure items is health care, particularly for the elderly and infirm। The United States currently spends about 15 percent of national income on healthcare, and this proportion is projected to rise as the population ages. Suffice to say that pension schemes should require individuals to plan for medical expenses and insure against catastrophic illnesses and disability. DSSS not only requires this but also allows premiums for approved medical insurance schemes to be paid with DSSS accounts.

5. APPLICATIONS
We now are in the position to resolve all the issues encountered by the existing social security systems and to answer all the questions with respect to the synergies of pensions, long-term care and health care। Our answers are based entirely on the dynamic social security system.

5.1 Appropriateness of the Structure of Social Security for Phased Retirement
Significant numbers of workers over age 50 are expected to work part-time, either steadily or intermittently, into their seventies. How can the system best accommodate phased retirement?
It is clear that this will never become a problem under DSSS, since the contributions made by both the employees and employers are adjusted automatically to a part-time basis, either steadily or intermittently or in whatever manner।

5.2 Private Employer Plan Issues Related to Phased Retirement
What would be the design of an ideal phased retirement program? What are the cost implications of such a program?
We believe that the DSSS is an ideal phased retirement program, even though it is not primarily designed for that purpose। Since DSSS has so many desirable features, it should also be an effective and, perhaps, most reasonable phased retirement program in terms of the cost involved.

5.3 Rationale for Family Benefits
Should social insurance benefits be linked to family status? Should benefits be based on a family unit or should each person stand on their own?
The DSSS is designed entirely on an individual basis। It recognizes only each person through the membership and the member’s DSSS account। This is consistent to various trends as described previously and with the fact that two-earner families have become the norm। Again, consistent to major changes and shifts around the world, social insurance benefits should not be linked to family status any more and should be based on each person alone.

5.4 Rationale for Widowed and Divorced Spouses Benefits in Social Insurance Systems
Does the conceptual framework for the level of auxiliary Social Security benefits still fit given the changes in family structure? Should domestic partnerships be recognized in some way? Is the 10-year marriage requirement for divorced spouse benefits reasonable given the high level of divorces with less than 10 years of marriage?
Just like family benefits, the conceptual framework for the level of auxiliary Social Security benefits such as widowed and divorced spouses benefits does not fit under the DSSS। This is because DSSS is based on each individual only;each person should stand on their own under DSSS। Similarly, domestic partnerships, whether opposite-sex or same-sex, are not recognized in any way under DSSS। Finally, since divorced spouse benefits simply do not exist under DSSS, the 10-year marriage requirement is redundant.

5.5 Alternatives for Divorced and Widowed Spouse Benefits under Social Insurance Systems
What would be the cost of implementing these alternatives? Who would be the winners and losers under the different alternatives? What other alternatives could be used and what are their implications?
The three alternatives are credit splitting, bright-line length of marriage, and child-rearing credits; more alternatives are, at best, arbitrary and intuitive and can never be satisfactory to all parties concerned। Since divorced and widowed spouses must stand on their own under DSSS, we believe DSSS, with all its desirable features, offers the best alternative for divorced and widowed spouse benefits.

5.6 Implications of Trend to Defined Contribution (DC) Plans for Spousal Benefits
Are DC plans leaving surviving spouses unprotected? Are employers sponsoring DC plans educating employees appropriately to prevent inadequate protection for surviving spouses? What are the issues? What are the solutions?
The DSSS is in fact a DC plan। It does not leave surviving spouses unprotected if the spouses have their own DSSS accounts। Since the trend has been toward two-earner families, the number of surviving spouses who do not have their own DSSS accounts should be decreasing rapidly. In such a situation (the worst case scenario), they must have inherited their spouses’ DSSS account balances when their spouses died.

5.7 Solutions in Other Countries to Phased Retirement and Family Issues
What are the solutions developed by other countries to these problems? Are these solutions adaptable to North America? How do other countries calculate social security benefits for phased retirements, widowed spouses, divorced spouses, and family benefits?
Singapore’s Central Provident Fund is clearly one of the solutions। Similarly, the DSSS is another solution. These solutions are expected to become more and more popular because they not only have many desirable features, but also fit into major trends very well. Under the DSSS, the calculation of social security benefits for the above four cases is simple, direct, definite and unambiguous. It leaves no room for dispute because it gets involved neither in arbitrary nor intuitive matters.

5.8 Implications of Privatization and/or Individual Account Proposals for Social Insurance Systems
These proposals imply that their thinking has been toward the DSSS’ concept and design.

5.9 Impact of Reform in Social Insurance System on Employer Pension System and Vice-Versa
How will change in one system affect the other? Can changes be made in an integrated, holistic fashion to avoid the need for reactive change later? How do trends in employer pension plans influence the adequacy of benefits for families or phased retirees under social insurance systems?
It is believed that the DSSS is a combination of both social insurance system and employer pension system. The combination is made in such an integrated and holistic way that it has many desirable features.

5.10 Can Pension Funds Provide Additional Benefits?
How might innovative solutions be developed to enable pension funds to provide coverages relating to the medical and long-term needs of pensioners and their dependants?
The very design of DSSS itself is to provide such coverages for pensioners and their dependants.

5.11 Can Pension Funds’ Investment Yield be Used to Finance the Development of Long-Term Care Facilities?
Could the synergies of pension funds and long-term care be exploited by using the investing capacity of pension funds to finance the development of appropriate care facilities which would be made available to scheme beneficiaries?
It is clear from the very design of DSSS itself that the investing capacity of DSSS can be used to finance the development of appropriate care facilities which may be made available to scheme beneficiaries. This benefit is conceptually equivalent to the interest credited to the DSSS accounts. Its determination and how it is paid from and/or between the Ordinary and Long-Term Care Accounts are well within the actuary’s capacity to perform. Moreover, the market for long-term care facilities can remain open for free competition; in this way, DSSS is only one of many potential competitors.

5.12 What are the Practical, Fiscal and Legislative Obstacles?
What are the practical, fiscal and legislative obstacles to developing and implementing appropriate solutions and how might they be overcome?
The existence of obstacles, if any, depends on the country or society in which DSSS is proposed to operate. Since schemes similar to DSSS have been adopted in countries such as Singapore, any obstacle should not be too difficult to overcome.

5.13 How might New Products and Structures be Developed?
How might new products and structures be developed which would address the problems of financing long-term care and the cash flow requirements of those who require long-term care?
The very design of DSSS itself is such a product and structure.

5.14 Should Society Re-engineer the Whole Concept of Retirement?
Yes. In fact, a main feature of DSSS is to encourage truly flexible retirement which includes not only late, phased, and intermittent retirement but also retirement at any age. Every society should avow that individuals differ enormously in their financial conditions, health status, work attitudes, and life philosophy and they should be completely free to decide when and how to retire.

5.15 How can Health and Long-Term Care Costs Best be Financed?
Health and long-term care costs in retirement years can be very expensive. How can these best be financed?
We believe that DSSS can best finance these benefits since it is built on a multipillar system: the employer, the employee and the government (through tax incentive).

5.16 All Other Possible Questions
Since the DSSS is designed to accommodate all major trends in changes and shifts, it has many desirable features. It is believed that all other possible questions can be answered simply, definitely and unambiguously under DSSS.

6. CONCLUSIONS
This paper makes a survey of major changes and shifts in demographic, family, retirement, and lifestyle patterns. Facing these changes, we introduce a dynamic social security system deemed most suitable for accommodating the changes. As a result, the DSSS possesses a number of distinguished features that are highly desirable for a social security system. As examples, we apply the DSSS to resolve all the issues encountered by the existing social security systems and to answer all the questions with respect to the synergies of pensions, long-term care and health care and find that the answers are all straightforward and unambiguous. We would, therefore, like to draw the following conclusions:
1. A social security system must take into serious consideration all major trends in changes and shifts in demographic, family, retirement and lifestyle patterns.
2. A social security system must possess as many desirable features as DSSS does.
3. A social security system must jointly be provided for by employees, their families, employers, and the government. Only through coordinated efforts and cooperation from all parties concerned can a social security system serve its intended objectives.

REFERENCES
1. Chand, S. K. and Jaeger, A. (1996). “Ageing populations and public pension schemes”. Occasional Paper No. 147, International Monetary Fund.
2. Chang, C. C. “ Prescriptions for Curing Global Health Care Problems”. Delivered to the International Conference on Affordable Health Care held in Singapore, February 27-28, 1995 and appeared in its proceedings.
3. Chang, C. C. “A Social Security System for the 21st Century” (Co-author with Geraldine Chen). Delivered to the 8th East Asian Actuarial Conference in Tokyo, Oct.2-5, 1995 and appeared in the 8th EAAC Transactions.
4. Chang, C. C. “Social Security Systems Around the World”. Delivered to the 1995 Society of Actuaries Annual Convention in Boston, U.S.A., Oct. 15-18, 1995 and appeared in the SOA Transactions, October, 1995 (Vol.21, No. 4A) pp.507-521.
5. Chang, C. C. “Singapore’s Social Security System: A Model of Solvency for all Countries?”. Published by the Journal of Actuarial Institute of Republic of China in October, 1996 (Vol.20, No.1)pp.237-249.
6. Chang, C. C. ”Health Care Financing Systems Around the World”. Invited professor to conduct the Teaching Session on Health Care Financing Systems Around the World for the Society of Actuaries meeting in Maui, Hawaii, June 22-24, 1998.
7. Chen, H.C.D. (1995). “Ageing and Intergenerational Transfers: The Issues”. Unpublished monograph submitted as dissertation for the degree of Master of Social Sciences, National University of Singapore.
8. Coates, Joseph F. (1994). “The Highly Probable Future: 83 Assumptions about the Year 2025”. The Futurist, 28(4), July/August.

9. Davis, E. P. (1997a). “Public pensions, pension reform and fiscal policy”. European Monetary Institute, Staff Paper No.5.
10. Davis, E. P. (1997b). “ Pensions in the corporate sector”. Paper presented at the Kiel Week Conference, June 1997.
11. Davis, E. P. (1997c). “ Can pension systems cope? Population ageing and retirement income provision in the European Union”. The Royal Institute of International Affairs, International Economics Programme.
12. Daykin, C.D. (1996). “ Developments in social security and pensions world-wide”. British Actuarial Journal 2, 207-226.
13. Daykin, C. D. “ A crisis of longer life-problems facing social security systems worldwide and options for reform”. Paper presented to conference organized by House of Commons Social Security Committee, London, February 1997.
14. Elkins, John (1985). “ Ten Trends for the 21st Century”. Old Oregon.
15. Espina, A. (1996). “ Reform of pension schemes in the OECD countries”. International Labour Review, 135, 181-206.
16. Jollans, A. “ Pensions and the ageing population”. Paper presented to the Staple Inn Actuarial Society, October 1997.
17. Naisbitt, John (1982). Megatrends: ten new directions transforming our lives. New York: Warner.
18. Newseek, 26 June, 1995.
19. Ohmae, Kenichi (1994). The Borderless World. London: HarperCollins.
20. The Economist, various issues.
21. Transactions of the 23rd International Congress of Actuaries, Helsinki, Finland, 11-16 July 1988.
22. Transactions of the 24th International Congress of Actuaries, Montreal, Canada, May 31 to June 5 1992.
23. World Bank. (1994) Averting the Old Age Crisis. Oxford University Press.

2009年4月21日 星期二

REFORMING TAIWAN’S NHI WITH MANAGED COMPETITION

REFORMING TAIWAN’S NHI WITH MANAGED COMPETITION
BY CHIU-CHENG CHANG

TAIWAN’S NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE PROGRAM


• Implemented in March, 1995

• Compulsory single-payer scheme combining 13 existing plans

• Covers 96% of population

• Provides comprehensive health care services

OBJECTIVES OF TAIWAN’S NHI PROGRAM


• To provide equal access to health care for all Taiwanese

• To ensure both quality and efficiency in delivering services

• To control health care cost

SOURCES OF NHI’S REVENUE


• Payroll-related premiums contributed by employees, employers and government

• Contribution rates vary among six categories of employment

• Insureds contribute most in total, followed by government and employers

NHI’S PAYMENT SYSTEM


• Insureds are required to copay

• User fees are charged for ambulatory & inpatient care

• Mainly fee-for-service, supplemented by case payment, payment for disposables and drugs

EVALUATION OF TAIWAN’S NHI PROGRAM


• As of May, 1997, NHI collected 18 billion premiums & paid 16.5 billion

• Overstatement of household size leads to premium overcharge

• Would have been in loss situation if correct household size were used

EVALUATION OF TAIWAN’S NHI PROGRAM(CONT’D)


• Growth rate for healthcare expenditure accelerates at 11.2% while that for GDP at 8 %

• Outpatient care expenditure grows at 15%

• Outpatient care exceeds 54% of total claims

• Drug expenses surpass 25% of total expenditure

• Healthcare utilization rate & cost per capita increase rapidly

EVALUATION OF TAIWAN’S NHI PROGRAM(CONT’D)


• Inability to deliver healthcare services efficiently

• Inability to assure quality of care

• Failure in providing the freedom of choice of insurers

• Difficulty in access to health services

A MANAGED COMPETITION MODEL


A competitive market for allocating resource and setting price

• Managed competition among insurers, health plans and providers

• Rules are set to achieve equity and efficiency of the competitive market

• To force rival insurers/health plans to compete honestly and fairly for enrollees

A MANAGED COMPETITION MODEL(CONT’D)


• Insureds receive subsidies to buy compulsory health insurance

• Subsidies are paid to qualified insurers/health plans chosen by insureds

• Subsidy per insured is independent of chosen insurer/health plan

• Subsidy equals expected per capita coat for the insured’s risk group minus a common fixed amount

A MANAGED COMPETITION MODEL(CONT’D)


• A flat rate premium is paid by insured to insurer/health plan of his choice

• Difference between actual costs and risk-adjusted payment will not be the same for all insurers/plans

• Difference will be reflected in flat rate premium that competing insurers/ plans quote

• This creates incentive for insurers/plans to be efficient

A MANAGED COMPETITION MODEL(CONT’D)


• Insurers/plans function as intermediary between insureds and providers

• Insurers/plans and providers are free to negotiate contract terms and conditions

• All qualified healthcare suppliers are allowed to provide services, greatly increasing competition

• Insurers/plans are allowed to offer different insurance options

• Insureds are free to choose the insurance policy they like most

• Premiums reflect efficiency and cost-generating behavior of contracted providers

EOUITY, COST CONTAINMENT, EFFICIENCY AND QUALITY


• Managed competition can improve efficiency, quality, innovation and responsiveness

• Can achieve all these within constraints of equitable access

• May not achieve cost containment, especially if three conditions hold:
Additional healthcare can contribute to one’s health
Competition can yield more value for money
A good health status is believed to be most important in life

COST CONTAINMENT UNDER MANAGED COMPETITION


• Government could impose a global budget on total healthcare expenditure, making managed competition unworkable

• Government’s objective is to provide access to healthcare for every citizen

• Access to care for sick and low-income people means cross-subsidies from healthy and high-income people

• It should let market determine optimal level and allocation of healthcare resources

• What market determines must be the nation’s choices and preferences

A TWO-TIER HEALTH CARE SYSTEM


• No country can afford guaranteed access to all care, regardless of costs

• Cost-ineffective care should be excluded from compulsory health insurance system

• Insurers/plans should refuse to reimburse charges arising from cost-ineffective care

• Only equal access to cost-effective care is guaranteed

• Those who can afford are free to buy all-inclusive policies and those who can’t will not receive cost-ineffective care

CONCLUSION


• Offer managed competition model to help Taiwan’s NHI achieve its objectives

• The model can improve efficiency, quality and innovation within constraint of equitable access

• If it can’t contain cost, let the market determine optimal level and allocation of resources

• If government intervenes the market, cost-ineffective care should be excluded from NHI program

• Equal access to cost-effective care only is guaranteed

• A two-tier health care system is inevitable

STATEMENT OF PURPOSE

STATEMENT OF PURPOSE

What really ignites my great interest in the Eisenhower Exchange Fellowship for the USA program is what I call the maturing stage of my multidisciplinary career development. The convergence of my multi-national experience (six countries), academic publications, professional consultancies and senior executive experience in the American insurance industry assures me that not only my career will be greatly enhanced and enriched by such a fellowship but also my adopted country USA and the host country Hungary will benefit from it too.

The evidence for this assertion is sufficiently clear and can best be seen from my publications as highlighted। For clarity, I will briefly summarize them in the following:

1. Health Care and Health System
I have published and spoken a lot on these subjects; see, for example, " Affordable Health Care" (book and papers), "Prescriptions for Curing Global Health Care Problems", "Outcomes Measurement and Management System", "Controlling Health Care Costs in Asian Countries", "Health Care Financing Systems Around the World", "Health Care Reform Around the World", "Reforming Taiwan's NHI with Managed Competition", "Patients, Heal Thyself", " physicians, Partner with your Patients" etc.

2. Social Security Systems
I have published and spoken quite much on this subject; see, for example, "A Social Security System for the 21st Century", "Social Security Systems Around the World", "Singapore's Social Security System: A Model of Solvency for All Countries?"

3.Education and Technology
As an educator, I am so profoundly interested in education and how technology is being utilized in education and communications that I am writing my seventh book " The 3-D Society" (Distorted, Displaced and Dispirited) and my eighth book "Winning Life Strategies"। Having been so amazed at the fact that Hungary has produced so many great minds such as John von Newman, Albert Szent-Gyorgyi, Paul Erdos, I will be most fascinated with a close look at her education and the application of technology to it. This will be done most profitably when compared to American education(see E.D.Hirsch's "The School We Need" and "Cultural Literacy") and Asian education.

With the general description in the above of my purposes, I can now state more specifically my main goals and perceived benefits for all three parties of the proposed EEF USA program:
a. To enhance and broaden my international expertise in health care, health systems and social security systems. In return, I can inform and advise the host country based on my expertise in these areas. To my country USA, my expanded expertise will be transferred quickly via SOA meetings and my writings and publications to U.S. audiences and readers.

b. To enhance and enrich my understanding of education and the application of technology in education and communications. In return, I can inform and share with the host country my knowledge in these areas. To my country USA, my expanded knowledge will be transferred via professional societies ( I am a member of twelve such societies) to U.S. audiences and readers.

c. To more fully develop myself as a great American international consultant and advisor on multiple disciplines and interdisciplinary projects.

2009年4月7日 星期二

SECURITIZATION AND DERIVATIZATION OF CATASTROPHE RISK

SECURITIZATION AND DERIVATIZATION OF CATASTROPHE RISK

Chiu-Cheng Chang

Abstract

In this paper, we use financial engineering of securities and derivative instruments to convey insurance risk directly to investors in the capital markets. It is shown how a reinsurer could form a bridge between traditional reinsurance and catastrophe-linked bonds. An equation is developed for the price of a pure catastrophe bond, which puts both principal and interest at risk, in terms of the probability of occurrence of the insured catastrophic event. Also, it is shown that catastrophe call spread contracts are economically equivalent to excess of loss reinsurance contracts and it is argued that such call spreads are likely to be the most efficient vehicle for transferring catastrophic risk exposure to investors.

Key Words

Catastrophic risks, excess of loss reinsurance, call spreads, catastrophe bonds, insurance derivatives, catastrophe risk securitization, catastrophe risk derivatization

Only in growth, reform, and change, paradoxically enough, is true security to be found.
Anne Morrow Lindbergh

  1. Introduction
    The emergence of Lloyd's underwriting losses from late 1980's to 1990's had significantly reduced the reinsurance capacity on a world-wide basis. Lloyd's financial difficulties were caused mainly from its exposures to the risk of asbestos in North America. Claims from asbestosis are generally of long-tail type and so Lloyd's problem had lingered for some years.
    During these years, major catastrophes worldwide had occurred with more regularity and concentration. The most notable are Hurricane Andrew in 1992, Northridge Earthquake in 1994 and the Great Hannshin Earthquake Disaster in 1995. These natural disasters had further reduced world-wide reinsurance capacity to a considerable degree. As a result, catastrophe reinsurance prices had shot up dramatically. These phenomena had reinforced the need to search for ways to increase world-wide reinsurance capacity.
    Although modern securities and their derivatives have been around for many years, their growth had become explosive in the recent past. It is only natural to look into modern security market for possible solutions to this problem of reinsurance capacity shortage. As a consequence, financial approach to managing catastrophe risk, such as catastrophe bonds and catastrophe options, was introduced. This recent financial innovation in managing insurance risk can be seen as a specific response to the problem of insurance and reinsurance capacity. The convergence of insurance and financial markets has thus emerged.
    The continuation of this convergence is bolstered by a clear upward revision of estimates of probable maximum losses from major catastrophes worldwide. Recent earthquakes in Kobe and Northridge, as well as events such as hurricane Andrew, have shifted estimates of maximum potential losses by an order of magnitude. Moreover, the emergence of modeling firms using large technical and financial data bases, has provided the insurance marketplace with credible estimates of single events that could overwhelm the insurance industry. For example, the U.S. industry faces the real possibility of a $50 to $100 billion loss through a major Midwest or Western earthquake or from a hurricane hitting Miami. As a further example, studies have shown that total economic losses from a major earthquake in the Tokyo area could reach US $ 2 trillion.
    It is clear that the global insurance and reinsurance industry capital that will actually be available to cover insured losses from such events is woefully inadequate. On the other hand, the global capital markets are vast, estimated in the range of US $ 13 trillion to well over US $ 15 trillion in terms of marketable securities. With the proper initial market conditions and the proper securities and derivative structures, we believe that educated investors can become involved as part of a comprehensive long-term solution to dealing with global catastrophe risk exposure.

  2. Pricing Catastrophe Reinsurance
    In general, catastrophe reinsurance pricing is more uncertain than virtually any other insurance pricing. It is often difficult, if not impossible, to get meaningful and credible loss experience relevant to the coverage being evaluated. Moreover, both low claim frequency and high severity nature of catastrophe reinsurance coverages cause more uncertainties, ranging from the lengthy time delays between the occurrence, reporting and settlement of covered loss events, and also from the leveraged effect of inflation upon excess claims. It is generally true that, in pricing catastrophe reinsurance, the lower the expected loss frequency, the higher the variance of results relative to expectation, and thus the higher the risk level.
    Other severe problems for catastrophe reinsurance pricing are IBNR emergence and case reserve development. Development beyond ten years can be large, highly variant, and extremely difficult to evaluate. Concomitant is the increased uncertainty for asset and liability matching, because of the very long tail and extreme variability of the distribution of loss payments over time. Future predictability is further decreased by greater uncertainty affecting loss severity inflation above excess cover attachment points.
    All these factors create a situation where the variance and higher moments of the loss process and its estimation are much more important relative to the expected value than is the case for other coverages. Historically, there were many ways to price catastrophe reinsurance coverages. For any given situation, there was no one right way. The pricing formula a reinsurance actuary would use depends upon the reinsurer's pricing philosophy and information availability. The probability models were selected to describe the real situation as best as possible given all the real statistical and analytical cost constraints. Because of the convergence of insurance and financial markets, it has become fashionable recently to price catastrophe reinsurance in the setting of economic equilibrium theory under uncertainty [1], [2], [3].
    Following an NBER Conference on the financing of catastrophe risk that was held in November, 1996, Ken Froot of Harvard University has observed the following two facts: (1) the failure of the global catastrophe risk distribution system to spread the risks of major catastrophes and (2) the high costs associated with the consequent inefficient risk sharing. He then offers different explanations for barriers that prevent high layers of risk from being spread, many of which lead to high prices for catastrophe reinsurance. Three of these barriers come to mind: (1) Insufficiency of capital within the global reinsurance industry (2) Inefficiency (i.e. high costs of capital) of the corporate form for reinsurance (3) Presence of moral hazard and adverse selection at the insurer level.
    Froot points out that if these barriers bear on the real-world problem of inadequate and inefficient spreading of catastrophe risk, then involving the capital markets via securitization or derivatization of insurance risk will improve the situation. With respect to barrier (1), we need only note the vast size of the global capital markets. As to barrier (2), catastrophe-linked instruments might provide a lower cost way for insurers and reinsurers to manage catastrophe risk than raising large amounts of equity capital. Finally, as to barrier (3), the solution depends on the creation of sound indexes of industry losses on which securities and derivatives can be based. It is thus believed that securitization and derivatization of catastrophe risk will ultimately develop into a meaningful market. We will now examine the early stages of the evolution of this market.

  3. Transforming Catastrophe Reinsurance Into A Security
    We will now show how to link reinsurance pricing to bond pricing. Building a bridge between reinsurance and securities is essential to understanding how the capital markets will view and assess insurance risks.

    3.1 Building A Bridge Between Reinsurance And Securities
    Let us consider a reinsurance contract under which an insurer pays a premium to a reinsurer at the beginning of each period during the lifetime of the contract. Assume the contract lasts for periods and each period is of length years. Thus we have the total of years for the contract. Under the contract, the reinsurer agrees to pay the insurer a fixed indemnity at the end of the period in which an insured event first occurs. The contract terminates once the payment of is made by the reinsurer or at the end of years if the insured event has not occurred by that time. Since the pricing of a reinsurance contract is generally quoted as a rate on line, the rate on line in this example is simply .
    To build a bridge between this reinsurance contract and a security, we assume that an investor makes a contribution to capitalize a reinsurer so that it can underwrite the reinsurance contract with the insurer. It is assumed that the investor's capital contribution is made at the same time as the reinsurer is created which is also the same time as the underwriting of the reinsurance contract. Suppose the yield on a U.S. Treasury bill of maturity years is a fixed rate of per period throughout the lifetime of the reinsurance contract. Then a unit amount invested in a -year U.S. Treasury bill will mature to . The reinsurance contract is said to be fully collateralized by U.S. Treasuries if . This is an amount exactly sufficient to make the contractual fixed indemnity payment of if the insured event has occurred during the period.
    On the other hand, if the insured event does not occur during a -year period, the investor must keep his capital contribution invested in the reinsurer. However, he can collect from the reinsurer an excess fund equal in amount to or . The insurer will make another premium payment at the beginning of the next -year period. Again, an amount can be invested in a -year U.S. Treasury bill yielding over the next -year period. The equation remains valid and the reinsurance contract therefore remains fully collateralized.
    This process of periodic insurer premium payments and periodic investor collections of excess funds is repeated until the insured event occurs or until the -year expiration of the contract is reached without the insured event having occurred. In the former case where the reinsurer makes the loss payment to the insurer at the end of the period in which the insured event first occurs, the reinsurer is then dissolved, the insurer makes no further premium payments , the investor receives no further periodic returns and the investor loses his entire capital contribution . In the latter case where no insured event has occurred, the return to the investor's initial contribution is the sum of (1) a payment at the end of every -year period and (2) the repayment of the initial investment at the end of the -year period.

    3.2 Catastrophe Bond
    As described in 3.1 above, the periodic premiums from the insurer, the initial capital of the reinsurer and the periodic interest earnings on these amounts are sufficient to pay a periodic return to the investor so long as the insured event does not occur, and to pay the insurer the fixed-indemnity amount if the insured event does occur. The investor receives a contingent stream of payments equivalent to the coupon stream and principal repayment of a bond. In other words, the unit bond has a maturity of -years, makes coupon payments every -years at a rate of per unit face amount of the bond and repays the unit face amount at maturity. Bond default occurs when the insured event occurs. The coupon payments and principal repayment are made only if the bond does not default. For obvious reasons, we call this catastrophe bond.
    Because of the bridge built between the catastrophe reinsurance contract and the catastrophe bond, the probability of occurrence of the insured event is equivalent to the probability of bond default. The higher the probability, the higher the price of the reinsurance contract (i.e. the higher the rate on line ), and the higher the coupon of the bond (i.e. the higher the value ). These relationships can be further analyzed. Let the probability of default of the catastrophe bond be per period. For simplicity, we assume is a constant for all periods. We are interested in determining the per-period coupon rate for the catastrophe bond so that its fair price is equal to its unit par value. We assume that the investor sells the bond at the end of the period in which default occurs and recovers a fraction of the sum of the coupon then due and the unit par value of the bond.
    The following table lists all the possible default and no-default payments occurring during the -period and their associated probabilities of occurrence:

    Period Default Payment Probability No-default Payment Probability
    1 f(1+r) q r 1-q
    2 f(1+r) q(1-q) r (1-q)2
    3 f(1+r) q(1-q)2 r (1-q)3
    . . . . .
    . . . . .
    . . . . .
    n f(1+r) q(1-q)n-1 1+r (1-q)n

    To find appropriate discount factors, we let be the per-period yield of an -period default -free U.S. Treasury bill that matures for a unit amount in exactly periods and has a price of today. Thus can be considered as the present value of a unit amount to be received periods from today. The fair price of the catastrophe bond is then equal to the expected present value of the streams of payments shown in the table above, using the discount factors for the discounting purpose.
    Fair Price of Bond =
    The first term on the right-hand side of the equation is the expected present value of the stream of coupons, the second term is the expected present value of the principal repayment at maturity and the third term is the expected present value of the salvage recovered on default of the bond. Given the per-period probability of default , one can solve the bond-pricing equation for the per-period coupon rate that renders the fair price of the bond equal to its unit par value.

    3.3 Aggregate Excess of Loss Reinsurance Contracts
    Although reinsurance contracts with fixed-indemnity payments on the occurrence of an insured event do exist, they are not as useful to direct writers as are aggregate excess of loss contracts with maximum indemnity limits. It is not difficult to modify the analysis done in 3.1 and 3.2 to accommodate the additional features of aggregate excess of loss contracts. As long as the cumulative losses during the lifetime of an aggregate excess of loss contract are less than the lower level of the loss layer, the investor receives the coupon payments on his holding of catastrophe bonds. When cumulative losses reach the attachment point, the reinsurer is liable to make loss payment to the insurer under the reinsurance contract. This causes a full default on a portion of the investor's bond holdings. As incurred losses increase within the loss layer, more and more of the investor's catastrophe bonds default. When cumulative losses reach the upper level of the loss layer, all of the remaining bonds default.
  4. Catastrophe Option
    We note first that an aggregate excess of loss reinsurance contract is basically an option. At inception of the contract, the insurer pays the reinsurer a premium in exchange for which the reinsurer must pay losses in excess of a specified attachment point . This is economically equivalent to the purchase of a catastrophe call option by the insurer from the reinsurer. The option premium is and the strike price of the option is .
    Most aggregate excess of loss reinsurance contracts carry only limited liability, i.e. they apply to a layer of risk. Such an arrangement can be considered as the superposition of two contracts: under the first contract, the insurer pays the reinsurer a premium to cover all losses in excess of incurred during a stated period, while, under the second contract, the reinsurer pays the insurer a premium to cover all losses in excess of incurred during the same stated period, where is greater than . The reinsurance price for the catastrophe cover, expressed as a rate on line, is . In this case, the insurer has purchased a call spread from the reinsurer. In other words, the insurer has purchased for premium a catastrophe call option with strike price and has written for premium a catastrophe call option with strike price .
    It seems clear that the most natural way to structure a risk transfer program directly between an insurer and an investor is via a catastrophe call spread contract. This is what the CBOT concluded in early 1990s and that is how the recently-revised CBOT contracts have been constructed [6]. In the case of the CBOT contracts, the strike prices are specific dollar levels of insurance industry losses arising from catastrophes as defined and measured by Property Claim Services. Instead of using industry-wide losses, one can apply the same concept to create call spread contracts that are based on an individual insurer's actual losses. These customized call spread contracts will have strike prices or expiration dates that differ from the standardized CBOT contracts.
  5. Conclusion
    In this paper, we started by describing the background that leads to the convergence of insurance and capital markets. After reviewing traditional pricing practice for catastrophe reinsurance, we further point out the feasibility and potential advantages of using financial engineering of securities and derivative instruments to convey insurance risk directly to investors in the capital markets. It is shown how a reinsurer could form a bridge between traditional reinsurance and catastrophe-linked bonds. An equation is developed for the price of a pure catastrophe bond, which puts both principal and interest at risk, in terms of the probability of occurrence of the insured catastrophic event. Also, it is shown that catastrophe call spread contracts are economically equivalent to excess of loss reinsurance contracts and it is argued that such call spreads are likely to be the most efficient vehicle for transferring catastrophic risk exposure to investors.

References
[1] "Pricing Catastrophe Insurance Futures and Call Spreads: An Arbitrage Approach," J. David Cummins and Helyette Geman, The Journal of Fixed Income 4, No.4, (March 1995).
[2] "Pricing Excess-of-Loss Reinsurance Contracts Against Catastrophic Loss," J. David Cummins, Christopher Lewis, and Richard Phillips, NBER Conference of The Financing of Property/Casualty Risks (November 1996).
[3] "An Equilibrium Model of Catastrophe Insurance Futures and Spreads," Knut K. Aase, Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration working paper (November 1996)
[4] "The Limited Financing of Catastrophe Risk: A Partial Diagnosis," Kenneth A. Froot, Harvard University and National Bureau of Economic Research working paper (January 1997)
[5] "Plan of Finance I-Issuance of Taxable Securities," California Earthquake Authority document (January 1996).
[6] "PCS Catastrophe Insurance Options - A User's Guide," Chicago Board of Trade (September 1995)

2009年3月30日 星期一

WHAT CAN TAIWAN LEARN FROM SINGAPORE'S AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE?

WHAT CAN TAIWAN LEARN FROM SINGAPORE'S AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE?

BY Chiu-Cheng Chang, Ph.D.

ABSTRACT

In this paper, we first point out the sharp contrast between Taiwan and Singapore societies and an important cause for this lies in the regulation and management of automobiles। We then review all the important aspects of automobile insurance in Singapore and enlist those areas where Taiwan can learn and adopt so as to improve its chaotic and violent traffic situations. Finally, we draw the conclusion by citing impressive facts that Singapore's automobile insurance can serve as an example for Taiwan to follow.

KEY WORDS

Automobile insurance, third party insurance, AD & D, liability insurance, comprehensive cover, preferential ARF, certificate of entitlement, rating factors, tariff-based system, points system, no claim discount।

He that gives good advice builds with one hand; he that gives good counsel and example builds with both. ----------- Francis Bacon

  1. INTRODUCTION
    Taiwan and Singapore are two Asian island states in sharp contrast. Singapore has been internationally recognized as a clean, orderly and peaceful country with an efficient government and, importantly, she is virtually free from traffic congestion. Taiwan , just the opposite, has been notorious for its dirtiness, crowdedness, disorderliness, violence, chaos and nightmarish traffic jam. Moreover, Taiwan has been burdened with an inefficient government whose credibility is highly questionable due to deep-rooted corruptive problems.
    A critically important factor, if not the most important one, causing such a great contrast between Taiwan and Singapore societies lies in the regulation and management of automobiles (including private cars, goods vehicles or trucks, motorcycles, taxis, buses and others). In the paper" Order Out of Chaos---Managing Taiwan's AD& D Risk" (Chang, 1998,p.212-223) , the author criticized Taiwan's compulsory motor vehicle liability insurance and offered a free market approach to managing Taiwan's AD & D risk.
    In this paper, I will introduce Singapore's automobile insurance with the intention that it may serve as an example for Taiwan to learn। Specifically, I will describe briefly and generally all the important aspects of Singapore's automobile insurance and, particularly, those special features which may deserve Taiwan's consideration। I will also summarize all those features which Taiwan can learn and adopt so as to improve its chaotic and violent traffic situations, before drawing the conclusion.
  2. THE AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE PORTFOLIO
    Since 1982, when it overtook marine, aviation and transit insurance, automobile insurance has been the biggest premium generator of non-life insurance business in Singapore. It has shown tremendous growth since 1982, averaging about 8 per cent per annum after adjusting for inflation.
    The largest proportion of automobile insurance premium income is from private car policies, with a proportion of more than 60 per cent. The second largest proportion is from goods vehicle (or truck) policies, representing a 20 per cent share. The third largest proportion is from motorcycle policies with only 5 per cent share. Some automobile risks are not insured, mainly government vehicles which are exempt from compulsory third party insurance.
    More than 90 per cent of private car premiums are related to comprehensive cover. The third party fire and theft proportion is about 6 per cent, and third party liability only less than 5 per cent. This is in sharp contrast with Taiwan's corresponding premium distribution among coverages and is an indication of the high values of individual cars in Singapore and the high proportion of cars less than 10 years old. This pattern is also in contrast to that for motorcycle policies where only 25 per cent of premiums are for comprehensive cover and the rest third party only.
  3. THE AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE MARKET
    There are about 50 direct insurers writing automobile insurance business in Singapore. The top 10 insurers account for over 60 per cent of the total premium income. NTUC Income is well ahead as the biggest, with close to 20 per cent of the gross automobile insurance premium income. Its automobile insurance is of great importance to the company as its premium income represents 80 per cent of its non-life business. It has an unusual corporate basis, being a co-operative and an offshoot of Singapore's National Trades Union Congress.
    The second largest automobile insurer is The Peoples' Insurance Company, with a share of about 10 per cent. The Cosmic Insurance Company has the third largest share of about 7 per cent. These top three have maintained that order consistently since 1988. However, they all have their own specializations. NTUC Income specializes in private cars and controls about 30 per cent of that segment. The People's Insurance underwrites 90 per cent of two taxi fleets. Cosmic Insurance covers tour buses. India International insures the largest public bus company covering only liability for death or bodily injury. The Taisho Marine specializes in motorcycle business, having a 70 per cent share of that segment.
    Most automobile insurance in Singapore is sold through agents and brokers, just as in most countries. The selling commissions are at the level of 15 per cent after a market agreement in 1980. There has been a constant movement towards more and more professionalism through new regulations. The Singapore Insurance Brokers Association has implemented a registration scheme requiring their general insurance members to meet specific minimum requirements. Only such members are allowed to describe themselves as brokers. There are about 65 broking firms transacting general business.
    Since1990 it has been a requirement that general agents register with the General Insurance Association. For those who have less than five years insurance experience or lack professional qualifications, they must pass an examination to gain the Certificate of
    General Insurance awarded by the Singapore Insurance Institute. Agents can not represent more than three insurance companies. There are about 930 corporate agencies and over 5,000 individual agents.
    Singapore has a population close to 3 million with a very low unemployment rate. Because of increasing prosperity, the demand for owning an automobile has been increasing rapidly. This demand is restrained by the government to prevent traffic congestion in a densely populated island. The practice of managing traffic density through fiscal measures was introduced as early as 1972 when the additional registration fee (ARF) was increased to 25 per cent, then to 55 per cent in 1974, and to 100 per cent in 1976. Also in 1976 the preferential ARF (PARF) scheme was introduced to encourage car owners to scrap cars by their 10th year of life.
    In the period from 1974 to 1989 the vehicle population grew by an average of 4.2 per cent per annum (Lee, 1990; p.33). More effective measures were needed to reduce this growth rate and a quota system was therefore introduced in April, 1990. The government specifies the growth rate figure and thereby the number of new registrations for each period, and makes available a limited number of certificates of entitlement (COE), without which a new car can not be registered for use.
    Buyers of new vehicles have to bid for this limited number of COEs, in monthly tender exercises. There are separate quotas for four types of car: small (1000cc and below), medium (1001-1600cc), big (1601-2000cc), and luxury (2001cc and above). Each COE is valid for only 10 years. Successful bidders pay the price offered by the last bidder at the cut-off point. The size of the successful bids in these monthly auctions varies according to demand which in turn is affected by the nation's economic position and prospects and other factors.
    The marketing of automobile insurance is made easier because of the legal necessity to insure against third party risks and because there is a high proportion of comprehensive policies. Therefore, price is the major marketing feature. Service has also become important, in terms of speed of response and helpfulness, and indeed "there are more reasons in insurance than in any other product as to why competition should be on service and service alone" (Yap, 1993; p.2).
    Most insurers have introduced a 24-hour emergency breakdown, towing and workshop service, a 24-hour claims helpline and even a road tax renewal service. There are direct marketing services through advertising, call-in and telephone quotation facilities, and teleview quotation services. There are also marketing services targetted at groups, with special discounts or terms. Free automobile insurance has been linked to the sale of cars by some automobile dealers. There are attempts at niche marketing and specialized products for statistically better risks such as the over fifties or women.
  4. LEGISLATION AND REGULATION
    Automobile insurance is subject to the same legislation and regulations which affect other general insurance business in Singapore, especially the Insurance Act and the Insurance Regulations. However, the underlying philosophy is that of minimum control. This gives insurers great responsibility for self-regulation. The effect is that Singapore insurers have an excellent reputation for financial integrity and prudent practice, combined with a high degree of autonomy consistent with a free market economy thriving on competition.
    The Motor Vehicle Third Party Risks & Compensation Act is a very specific legislation. Its central feature is that an automobile may not be used unless there is an insurance policy in force covering the risk of death of or bodily injury to third parties. Since 1981 when the act was amended, a passenger in the vehicle is included within the definition of third party. However, it is not compulsory to insure against damage to third party property.
    The Act includes some important sections which give third parties rights directly against the insurer, altering the normal common law position. It also forbids the insurer to repudiate certain claims because of what the insured has done or failed to do. All this is to reinforce the main purpose of the Act which is to ensure that innocent third parties, or their dependents, are financially compensated for death or bodily injury. There is no limit to liability which must be insured under the Act.
    Despite the provisions of the Act, there are some cases where there is no valid motor insurance, either because the driver is not insured or can not be traced. For such victims, Singapore has produced a protective device enabling them to claim compassionate or ex-gratia payments through the Motor Insurers Bureau established in 1975. This arrangement is not actually enshrined in legislation, but is a written agreement between the government and the insurers. In most such cases, the Bureau deals directly with the third party claim, subsequently recovering any payment from all insurers in proportion to their automobile insurance premium income.
  5. POLICY PROVISIONS
    All policies have to cover those third party risks which are legally required to be insured against. If this is all the policy covers, it is known as an Act policy which is rare. "Third party only" policies also include liability for damage to third party property. The standard private car policy also covers the insured owner for third party risks while driving cars not belonging to him. Similarly, it also covers the situation when the car is being driven by an authorized person who has a license to drive cars. If such a person has an accident while driving this car, any third party claim is dealt with by the vehicle's insurer.
    The standard private car policy also provides indemnity to passengers for their legal liability to third parties. This cover relates to incidents caused while getting into, alighting from, or traveling in the insured car. For all the third party risks described, the policy provides unlimited indemnity for either death, injury or property damage. It provides for the insurer to pay all costs and expenses incurred. It also provides for the insurer to arrange for representation at any inquest or inquiry, the defense in legal proceedings, and at the request of the insured to pay for the legal defense of any charge of causing death by driving, when related to a third party incident.
    Third party policies can also include fire and theft risks, for an additional premium. The fire risk includes damage by external explosion, self-ignition, lightning, burglary or housebreaking. The theft risk includes damage caused by attempted theft or while the car is stolen.
    In addition to the third party risks, a comprehensive policy covers the risk of accidental loss or damage to the insured vehicle and its accessories and spare parts. The maximum liability of the insurer is the market value of the vehicle provided this is not greater than the sum insured. The insurer has the option of either paying in cash for the amount of loss or damage, or repairing or reinstating or replacing the car or any damaged part. The policy also provides for the insurer to pay for the protection and removal of the damaged car to the nearest repair shop.
    A comprehensive policy also provides for the payment of specified medical expenses and personal accident benefits. The medical expenses are payable for any bodily injury caused by violent accidental external and visible means. This cover applies to the insured, authorized drivers, and passengers. The personal accident benefits, however, apply only to the insured for death or specific types of disablement. Also, damage to the car caused by strike, riot, or civil commotion is included in most policies. Breakage of glass in windscreens or windows is also part of the standard accidental damage cover.
    Most of the conditions and exclusions are those found in automobile insurance policies in most countries. One exclusion which is not so widespread is that which relates to an accident in which the driver is found to be under the influence of drugs or alcohol. This renders the policy inoperative. The conclusive evidence of such influence is a conviction under the appropriate section of the Road Traffic Act or the Misuse of Drugs Act.
  6. RISK PRICING AND RATING
    A rating system for automobile insurance endeavours firstly to identify the significant risk factors, and secondly to produce a weighting system for each factor so that an appropriate premium can be calculated for each specific insurance proposal. In automobile insurance, the two main factors are the driver and the vehicle. Singapore has moved from a long established tariff rating system which focused more on the vehicle, to a newer points system which gives greater weight to the driver's influence on risk.
    Singapore's new rating system was devised in 1987 as an adaptation of the British system. A number of points are awarded to each risk factor, based on the two main features of car characteristics and driver characteristics and the bridging feature of car usage. The risk factors are as follows:
    ˙Car characteristics: model, age, value. Cars are normally placed in rating groups based on similar characteristics.
    ˙ Driver characteristics: age, sex, length of driving experience, demerit points (for
    traffic offenses), claim experience.
    ˙ Car usage: three classes of increasing risk.
    The points applicable to each of these factors for a specific risk are then totaled. Each score is shown on a table with its accompanying basic premium. From this the various discounts are deducted.
    Naturally other rarer adverse risk factors are considered in arriving at an underwriting decision, such as certain occupations, ill-health, conviction, and those who are neither citizens nor permanent residents of Singapore. Also, various compulsory excesses are applied, such as for young or inexperienced drivers. The underwriting attitude to the elderly differs, some insurers loading the premium by 50 per cent for those over 60, while others charge normal rates, recognizing that this group tends to be more careful and experienced.
    A no claims discount scheme for private cars was introduced in 1982. It is intended to encourage good driving, but also has the effect of being an excess in discouraging policyholders from making a claim which would prejudice the discount. The discount is in 10 per cent steps, with a 10 per cent discount after one year and a maximum of 50 per cent after five years. If the discount is at the 50 per cent or 40 per cent level, a claim reduces this to 20 per cent or 10 per cent respectively at the next renewal. If there is more than one claim during the year, the entire discount is forfeited. A discount of 30 per cent or less is wholly lost in the event of a claim.
    Another reduction in premium is available through a 5 per cent discount for drivers with a clean driving record for three years. This was introduced in 1992 as a safety incentive.
    One of the complications of automobile insurance in Singapore has been whether to include the price paid for certificates of entitlement (COE) as part of the sum insured. After numerous debates, most insurers took the position in June 1992 that it should be included in the sum insured and a higher premium paid. However, based on statistical data, the value of a vehicle has only a small effect on the total size of risk. And this is the reason why the market leader NTUC Income pioneered a rating structure in October 1993 which solves the COE rating and claim problem by ignoring the value of the car and COE cost in premium calculations.
  7. CLAIM EXPERIENCE
    The incurred loss ratios for all classes of automobile insurance for direct insurers fluctuated from year to year with a small range of about 7.5 percentage points. The average incurred loss ratio is about 67 per cent. A loss ratio indicates to what extent the account is making an underwriting profit, but conceals a variety of other factors as to why this may be so. These include whether the premium pricing system accurately reflected the risks accepted, the skill of the underwriters in assessing each case, the accident frequency rate, the costs of various risks (mainly repairs and third party), the skills of the various experts who deal with the claim, and the expenses of handling and investigating claims.
    In Singapore, the number of vehicles involved in road accidents has fallen significantly by more than 45 per cent since 1982. This is even more remarkable when compared to the increase of more than 15 per cent in the number of vehicles on the road over the same period. The number of people killed or injured in road accidents has also greatly reduced over the same period. In fact, Singapore has one of the lowest road accident death rates in the world, despite its urban density. This is attributed to the nation's effective enforcement of traffic rules and safety campaigns, and the longstanding policy of discouraging an aging vehicle population, with compulsory inspections from the third year of a car onwards.
    Although labour costs have been rising, the big insurers all have a system of authorized repairers, and use independent automobile assessors to inspect the damaged vehicles and vet the estimates and work done. Repair shop fraud and touts are reported occasionally but are not considered serious at all. However, the General Insurance Association (GIA) is considering a system for the registration of workshops, and those found to be abusing the system would be struck off. Another approach is for the insurance industry to fund a model workshop which could also undertake research into repair methods, similar to the Thatcham Repair Center in Britain which is funded by the Association of British Insurers.
    Theft of vehicles is not a big problem in Singapore. It is a small island, with only one causeway linking it to Johore, Malaysia. There is not much need for the illegal "borrowing" of cars in Singapore, as public transport is plentiful, reliable and cheap. However, those few cars that are stolen have a high value. A growing problem is the theft of accessories from cars, mainly fitted audio systems. About 7 percent of the total amount spent on private car claims is related to theft claims. The GIA has introduced a scheme for the circulation among members of information on stolen vehicles, as a deterrent to fraudulent claims. A worrying development is that of vandalism to cars. In a recent survey, each of 13 workshops visited said that they repaired three to five such cars each month, some of which needed a complete repaint.
    Most automobile insurers in Singapore have knock for knock agreements whereby the comprehensive insurer pays for the damage to that car irrespective of which driver was actually to blame. This eliminates the expense of claiming against other insurers, and over time should neither add to nor reduce actual claims payments. Two of the top 10 automobile insurers are not members of the agreement for the following reasons:
    (1) Claims agreements can distort a company's own claims statistics.
    (2) The trend of increasing claim amounts from more prosperous third parties for uninsured losses and excesses weakens the administrative savings argument.
    (3) For those insurers who have a predominantly comprehensive portfolio, they will be disadvantaged if they have an agreement with predominantly third party insurers.
    As more Singaporeans become even more prosperous, those injured or killed, although fewer in number, are likely to be entitled to larger amounts of compensation, especially for loss of future earnings. Court awards will be larger, continuing the trend so apparent from reported cases. There have been significant increases in medical costs and hospital charges, although recent government intervention should slow that process. In 1993, a new rule called " offer to settle" was introduced by which either party can make a formal offer to settle the case whereas the traditional payment-into-court rule was available only to the defendant. The new rules also changed the costing system so that the longer a hearing continues the greater the daily cost---a device to encourage speedier settlements. The fee structure of courts has also been changed to strongly discourage litigation for claims below $ 10,000.
    The well known long tail effect of injury claims is an advantage to insurers in that claims payments are long delayed. This is mitigated by the practice of awarding interim payments, and recent administrative changes to the civil court system so as to encourage speedier settlements and to discourage litigation by the imposition of higher court charges. However, with the increasing prosperity of more claimants, more injury claims will inevitably take longer to reach an agreed settlement because of the need to establish clear prognoses.
    Automobile insurance is susceptible to disputes between insurer and insured. The GIA has set up an Insurance Ombudsman Bureau to help when there was a final disagreement between the parties. The approach to the Bureau must be made within six months of the insurer's final decision. The Bureau may give advice and may make a decision of a cash award or a recommendation. Its limit is $100,000. Although its decision is binding on the insurer, the insured may reject it. There has been a declining number of complaints made to the Bureau, averaging about 10 complaints per year. All these complaint figures are considered particularly low when compared with the number of policyholders and claimants.
  8. WHAT CAN TAIWAN LEARN FROM SINGAPORE ?
    Having reviewed all those important aspects of Singapore's automobile insurance, one can easily enlist the areas where Taiwan can learn from Singapore by simply reflecting the corresponding aspects of Taiwan's automobile insurance. What follows are those areas considered most significant:
    1. COE.
    Every country, particularly those small island states, has its natural limit to accommodating a maximum number of automobiles operating in it. No country has an unlimited accommodating capacity. The introduction of COE in Singapore is considered innovative and effective in the following senses:
    (a) It lets the free market decide the price consumers are willing to pay for owning an automobile.
    (b) Given sufficient alternatives such as various public transportations, taxi, bicycle etc., consumers' decisions on whether to own an automobile will ultimately reach the point where the marginal utilities for all forms of transportation are essentially the same.
    (c) In a dynamic modern society, the prices of COE can best reflect all the relevant factors and thus are considered optimal for each auction period.
    (d) The maximum valid period of a COE is 10 years, consistent to and reinforcing the PARF scheme, encouraging car owners to scrap cars by their 10th year of life.
    A prerequisite for COE to become feasible in Taiwan is that all forms of public transportations in Taiwan must be greatly improved, expanded, linked and integrated.
    2. Third Party Coverage.
    In sharp contrast to Singapore's mandatory third party coverage, Taiwan's compulsory motor vehicle liability insurance (CMVLI) is subject to numerous criticisms (Chang, 1998,p.216-217) and essentially none of these is applicable to Singapore's. The most serious problems with CMVLI are (a) the limited and uniform liability and (b) a uniform premium rate for all risks. These two features completely ignore the free market function and can never serve the insurance needs of a modern society. Morever, Singapore's third party policy is far better than Taiwan's counterpart in policy design, provision and other features (see POLICY PROVISION)
    3. Risk Pricing And Rating.
    Singapore's pricing and rating technique has not only moved from tariff rating system to a points system but also advanced to a rating structure where the risk can be evaluated and priced without paying attention to even the value of the car and COE cost. This is truly a great achievement in risk pricing and rating. In sharp contrast, Taiwan's rating scheme remains essentially in the old tariff rating stage where the focus is on the vehicle. As a result, important rating factors such as driver's length of driving experience, demerit points, extent of daily and yearly car usage, and detailed actual road accident records are completely ignored in Taiwan's rating system. Moreover, Taiwan's policies unbundle risks and benefits to a great extent, contrary to the trend of bundling risks for better economic value and marketing effect. Furthermore, Taiwan's sales commission at the level of 20% and the compulsory contribution of 6% of premium to the Special Compensatory Fund are considered excessive in that they make Taiwan's policies at least 11% more expensive than necessary. All these have made Taiwan's collision insurance prohibitively expensive and encouraged older cars to stay on the road. Finally, Singapore's policies are better than Taiwan's counterparts in policy design, provision, pricing equity, and other features.
    4. Coordinated Efforts Among All Parties Concerned.
    By all parties, we mean the government, the parliament, police, insurers, courts and the GIA. All parties have constantly and continuously make coordinated efforts to improve everything relevant to the regulation and management of automobiles in Singapore. As described in the above sections, government's innovative ideas, parliament's actions to make them rules of law, police and courts' execution of laws, insurers' offerings of products and services and GIA's initiatives, leadership and professionalism have all contributed to the great success of Singapore's automobile insurance. Taiwan should take heed of the great results from such coordinated efforts.
  9. CONCLUSION
    We have described briefly all important aspects of Singapore's automobile insurance and pointed out those areas where Taiwan can really learn from Singapore. Because of the coordinated efforts among all parties which are concerned about Singapore's automobile insurance, Singapore's road accident rate has fallen greatly. This is even more remarkable when compared to the significant increase in the number of automobiles on the road. Morever, the number of people killed or injured in road accidents has also greatly reduced even though the number of vehicles on the road has increased significantly. Thus, it is not surprising that Singapore has one of the lowest road accident death rates in the world, despite its urban density. Finally, even motorists' complaints to GIA have fallen continuously throughout the years. Putting all these facts together, we can only conclude that Singapore's automobile insurance could serve as a good example for Taiwan to ponder over.

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